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Learn more. But in spite of the fact that your low energy level and growing belly may make you feel more like lounging around, you should be doing the opposite — at least for about 30 minutes a day. Exercise during pregnancy is important for your overall health and the health of your baby. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends that healthy women get at least minutes per week of moderate-intensity activity, ideally spread out across the week. Why you should walk during pregnancy Walking is a low-impact exercise that can be done almost anywhere and any time.
Try out PMC Labs and tell us what you think. Learn More. Although a fundamental goal of developmental science is to identify general processes of change, developmental scientists rarely generalize beyond their specific content domains.
As a first step toward a more unified approach to development, we offer 15 suggestions gleaned from a century of research on infant walking. These suggestions collectively address the multi-leveled nature of change processes, cascades of real-time and developmental events, the diversity of developmental trajectories, inter- and intraindividual variability, starting and ending points of development, the natural input for learning, and the roles of body, environment, and sociocultural context. We argue that these 15 suggestions are not limited to motor development, and we encourage researchers to consider them within their own areas of research.
Development is tricky. A primary goal of developmental research is to identify general processes of change.
However, generalities are elusive because researchers must focus on particular behaviors in particular contexts. Researchers must study the development of something — moral reasoning, face perception, language, or whatnot. The difficulty arises in generalizing beyond the specific details of the particular behavior in question to concepts, methods, and theories that hold across content domains. Since the s researchers have used infant motor skill acquisition as a window into general developmental processes [ 1 — 7 ].
In contrast to the covert nature of most psychological functions, motor actions occur out in the open. We offer 15 suggestions for the study of development gleaned from a century of research on infant walking Figure 1Key Figure. We do not p that this list is exhaustive or that every suggestion holds true for every developmental phenomenon.
However, we do propose that these suggestions have implications for phenomena far outside the realm of infant walking and even outside the domain of motor development Box 1 provides a demonstration of how each suggestion applies to the development of language.
Some of our suggestions build on those of authors; others differ radically. s correspond to suggestions. Our 1 suggestions based on the development of walking also hold true for the development of talking. From newborn to toddler, infants progress from lying with their face in the carpet to running across the floor. Early pioneers Gesell and McGraw recognized the pervasive variability, overlapping strategies, regressions, and individual differences in the form and timing of skill acquisition [ 1245 ].
The World Health Organization WHO took these generalizations a step farther by asing skill onset ages as standards imperatives that all infants should meet rather than norms describing a given population [ 12 ]. Of course, some things must develop before others, and milestones may be clinically useful for identifying motor delays Box 2.
But the orderly succession of skills on a milestone chart can be deceiving. Infants often skip milestones or perform them out of sequence [ 13 — 15 ]. Gesell anointed skills such as crawling as essential steps toward walking, but infants in some cultures skip crawling or crawl after walking [ 16 — 18 ].
Skills such as logrolling, hitching, and other forms of locomotion appear and disappear from the historical motor repertoire [ 1920 ]. In fact, the items on milestone charts reflects the proclivities of their creators, Early walking women than fundamental facts of development. Stages and milestones are not a proxy or a mandate for a universal process of development. Many of the suggestions and findings outlined here have implications for clinicians working with infants and young children. For example, onset ages and milestones Figure 1. For example, cultures where infants never crawl refute the notion central to the traditional Bobath method and other therapies that infants must be taught to crawl before they learn to walk [ ].
Although new interventions seek to replicate such complex and varied experience , the most prevalent interventions e. But typically developing children do not master simplified, isolated movements before advancing to more complex ones; they practice it all simultaneously. Indeed, the most effective interventions for children with disabilities incorporate child-initiated movement and environmental modification [, ]. A related Early walking women equally crucial point concerns the sequelae of motor development.
Children who lack independent mobility also lack the opportunity to explore the larger environment and to engage in social interactions. Infant go-carts and other infant-friendly, mobility-powered devices may offer children with disabilities the opportunity to access people and places at earlier ages than ly possible with electrically powered wheelchairs [ ].
Milestone charts depict skill acquisition as a step function — first infants cannot walk; then they can Figure 1. The assumption is that motor skills have a punctate onset date. However, daily sampling shows that skill acquisition is not like turning on a switch [ 2122 ].
No freaking way.
Variable trajectories hold regardless of the criterion for onset first step, five consecutive steps, walking across the room, etc. Although convenient and useful, selecting the first day of expression or any other day to deate skill onset is arbitrary, and measures that rely on onset ages are crude approximations at best. Wider sampling intervals e. The unfortunate consequence is that theories of development may rely on a mischaracterization of the shape and rate of developmental change. To study the development of a skill or anything elseresearchers must pick a place to start.
Oh shit, our house is a death trap.
However, the starting point is always arbitrary because every behavior has a developmental history [ 23 ]. Before infants take their first independent walking steps, they typically exhibit other upright skills; before that, they display other forms of locomotion; and before that, they move their legs in alternation.
Why focus on leg alternation in newborns?
One reason is that their upright leg movements bear a striking resemblance to adult walking. However, before birth, fetuses move their legs. Before that, spinal circuitry exhibits patterns of alternation at least in rats and chicks ; and even earlier, the spinal circuitry exhibits other patterns [ 27 ]. Furthermore, the circuitry itself develops.
And so on. Of course, researchers must start somewhere, but it is important to remember that the starting point is arbitrary. It could be newborn stepping, or it could be an earlier event such as the instantiation of spinal circuitry. Or it could be a later event such as rolling, crawling, or supported walking. Choosing a starting point is essential, but reifying that point is not.
Just as there is no de definitive starting point, development has no conclusive endpoint. As in other areas of psychology [ 28 ], researchers typically consider the mature endpoint of walking to be the behaviors of young adults recruited from introductory psychology courses. However, walking in modern, Western college students does not represent mature walking across recorded history or around the world [ 31 — 33 ].
Chinese footbinding eradicated in the s caused years of women to walk on narrow, foreshortened feet as little as 3 to 4 inches in length [ 3435 ]. Children and adults in some cultures have tremendous endurance. The Tarahumara run the distance of several marathons back-to-back for sport [ 36 — 38 ]. Persistence hunters chase game until Early walking women animals drop from exhaustion [ 3739 ].
African women and Nepalese porters carry prodigious lo for great distances Figure 1. These marathoners and load carriers, whose development eclipses that of Western college students, are the rank and file — not the Olympians — of their communities.
Like footbinding, long-distance running and load carriage from an early age change the endpoint of mature walking. Most Western caregivers hold newborns like a fragile carton of eggs.
However, caregivers in some African and Caribbean cultures believe that rough handling and exercise are essential for healthy motor development Figure 1. They lift infants by the arms, ankles, or head; they toss infants into the air, and swing them around. They formally train walking by exercising upright stepping [ 16 — 18 ]. In true experiments with random asment, a few minutes of daily practice with upright stepping or gentle postural training in earlier onset of independent walking [ 4243 ]. Similarly, training Icelandic infants in independent standing by 4 months of age [ 44 ].
Most Western caregivers assume that freedom to move is crucial for motor development.
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Caregivers in rural China bury supine infants up to their chests in sandbags [ 4546 ]; in central Asia, caregivers bind infants neck to toe in a gahvora cradle [ 47 ]; the nomadic Ache in Paraguay carry infants nearly all their waking time [ 48 ]. Restricted movement — even without social deprivation — delays postural and locomotor skills relative to Western norms and the WHO standards. One need not travel to exotic places to see effects of childrearing on motor development. In Western cultures, putting infants to sleep on their backs instead of their stomachs delays the emergence of crawling [ 4950 ].
Merely wearing a diaper impedes walking compared with going naked [ 51 Early walking women. Indeed, reliance on data from a limited sample of cultures is so pervasive that this criticism can be made for most research studies in the psychological literature [ 2831 — 33 ], including those reported in this article. But experience measured in days is essentially a black box — a placeholder for something else which is unknown or dif cult to measure. More conceptually useful measures would quantify the content of experience e.